以下是為大家整理的《英語(yǔ)演講翻譯：Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation》的文章，供大家參考
Barbara Jordan: 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address "Who, then, will speak for the common good?" [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)] Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception. It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special? I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker. When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred. Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems. We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal. Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us. Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardless of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come! I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds. We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted. This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them. We -- We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We believe that. This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. *Let's all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable. In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic.* We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition. Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They'll recognize that. Now -- Now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good? This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the "New Puritans" and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done. There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that decision. As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson: Let us restore the social intercourse -- "Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things." A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the "common good" and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us. Now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves "public servants" but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future. If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people, "It is time for you to be sacrificial" -- sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance. Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny. I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community. I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way. I have that confidence. We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny. Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates: "As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master." This -- This -- "This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy." Thank you.
“是誰(shuí)，那么，為了共同的利益說(shuō)話？” [的真?zhèn)握J(rèn)證：下面的文字版直接從音頻轉(zhuǎn)錄。（2）] 謝謝女士們，先生們，很熱情的接待。 這是144年前民主黨成員的第一次見(jiàn)面的約定來(lái)選擇總統(tǒng)候選人。自那時(shí)以來(lái)，民主黨繼續(xù)每四年召開(kāi)一次，并起草一個(gè)黨綱和提名總統(tǒng)候選人。我們本周會(huì)議是這一傳統(tǒng)的延續(xù)。但也有不同的東西今晚。有一些特別之處今晚。有什么不同？什么是特殊的？ 我，芭芭拉喬丹，是一個(gè)主講。 - 自1832年以來(lái)許多年過(guò)去了，在這段時(shí)間里，它會(huì)一直最不尋常的，任何國(guó)家的政黨問(wèn)芭芭拉·喬丹發(fā)表專題演說(shuō)。但是今晚，我在這里。而且我覺(jué)得 - 我覺(jué)得，盡管在過(guò)去，我的存在是一個(gè)額外的位的證據(jù)表明，“美國(guó)夢(mèng)”不是永遠(yuǎn)需要推遲。 - 現(xiàn)在，我有這個(gè)盛大的區(qū)別，在世界上，我應(yīng)該說(shuō)嗎？我可以很容易地度過(guò)這段時(shí)間，稱贊這個(gè)黨所取得的成就，并攻擊共和黨 - 但我不選擇這樣做。我可以列出很多問(wèn)題，美國(guó)人有。我可以列出的問(wèn)題，引起人們的感覺(jué)玩世不恭，生氣，沮喪的問(wèn)題，其中包括在政府缺乏誠(chéng)信的感覺(jué)，個(gè)人不再計(jì)數(shù)現(xiàn)實(shí)的物質(zhì)和精神貧困的感覺(jué)，盛大美國(guó)實(shí)驗(yàn)失敗或失敗。我能背誦這些問(wèn)題，然后我可以坐下來(lái)，并沒(méi)有提供解決方案。但我沒(méi)有選擇，要么做。美國(guó)公民期待更多。他們應(yīng)該得到和他們想要超過(guò)吟誦問(wèn)題。 我們是一家人對(duì)目前的窘境。我們是一家人在尋找我們的未來(lái)。我們是一家人，一個(gè)國(guó)家的社會(huì)搜索。我們是一家人努力，不僅要能解決的問(wèn)題，現(xiàn)在，失業(yè)，通貨膨脹，但我們正試圖在更大的規(guī)模，以履行對(duì)美國(guó)的諾言。我們正試圖實(shí)現(xiàn)我們國(guó)家的目的，創(chuàng)造和維持一個(gè)社會(huì)，我們所有人都是平等的。 縱觀 - 縱觀我們的歷史，當(dāng)人們一直在尋求新的方式來(lái)解決他們的問(wèn)題，并堅(jiān)持這個(gè)國(guó)家的原則，很多時(shí)候，他們已經(jīng)變成政黨。他們往往轉(zhuǎn)向民主黨。這是什么？這是什么，但民主黨，使得儀器的人時(shí)，他們使用搜索的方式來(lái)塑造自己的未來(lái)呢？好吧，我相信這個(gè)問(wèn)題的答案在于我們的執(zhí)政理念。我們的執(zhí)政理念是來(lái)自我們的觀點(diǎn)的人。這是一個(gè)概念，牢牢地銘刻在我們所有的民族良知的一組信念深深植根于。 現(xiàn)在，這些信念是什么？首先，我們認(rèn)為平等和特權(quán)沒(méi)有。這是一種信念 - 這是一種信念，每個(gè)美國(guó)人，不論其背景如何，都有平等的地位在公共論壇 - 我們所有的人。因?yàn)?- 因?yàn)槲覀內(nèi)绱藞?jiān)定地相信這樣的想法，我們是一個(gè)包容性而不是排他性方。讓大家來(lái)！ 我認(rèn)為這不是偶然的，最確定與民主黨在19世紀(jì)移民到美國(guó)。我們是一個(gè)異類黨由不同背景的美國(guó)人。我們相信，人是一切政府權(quán)力的來(lái)源;，機(jī)關(guān)的人要延長(zhǎng)，而不是限制。 這 - 這可以通過(guò)只提供每一個(gè)公民，每一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，參與政府的管理。他們必須有，我們相信。我們相信，代表所有的人，不只是一個(gè)利益集團(tuán)，但所有的人的權(quán)威，政府有責(zé)任積極 - 積極下劃線 - 尋求消除這些障礙，這將阻止個(gè)人成就 - 障礙發(fā)出從種族，性別，經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。政府必須刪除他們，設(shè)法消除他們。 我們 - 我們是一個(gè)黨 - 我們是一個(gè)黨的創(chuàng)新。我們不拒絕我們的傳統(tǒng)，但我們?cè)敢庖赃m應(yīng)不斷變化的情況下，當(dāng)改變，我們必須。我們?cè)敢獬惺茏兓牟贿m，以達(dá)到一個(gè)更美好的未來(lái)。我們有一個(gè)積極的未來(lái)愿景的信念建立在美國(guó)的諾言與現(xiàn)實(shí)之間的差距有一天會(huì)最終收。我們相信這一點(diǎn)。 我的朋友，這是我們的執(zhí)政理念的基石。這是一個(gè)屬于美國(guó)人已經(jīng)轉(zhuǎn)向民主黨的原因。這些都是可以建立一個(gè)國(guó)家的社會(huì)基礎(chǔ)。*讓我們都明白，這些指導(dǎo)原則不能丟短期政治利益。他們代表了這個(gè)國(guó)家所有。美國(guó)的想法，他們是土著人。這些原則，這是沒(méi)有商量余地的。 在其他時(shí)候，我可以站在這里，并給這種論述民主黨的信念，這將是足夠的。但是，今天，是不夠的。人們想要更多的。這是不足夠的理由為這個(gè)國(guó)家的人民的多數(shù)投票給民主黨。我們都犯過(guò)錯(cuò)誤。我們意識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)。我們承認(rèn)我們的錯(cuò)誤。在我們急于為所有的人做所有的事情，我們沒(méi)有預(yù)見(jiàn)到我們的行動(dòng)的全部后果。當(dāng)人們提出了他們的聲音，我們沒(méi)有聽(tīng)到。但我們的耳聾只是一個(gè)暫時(shí)的條件，而不是一個(gè)不可逆轉(zhuǎn)的條件。 即使我站在這里，并承認(rèn)我們犯過(guò)錯(cuò)誤，但我仍然相信，美國(guó)人民坐在判斷每一方，他們會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們的錯(cuò)誤，錯(cuò)誤的心。他們會(huì)承認(rèn)這一點(diǎn)。 現(xiàn)在 - 現(xiàn)在，我們必須著眼于未來(lái)。讓我們聽(tīng)取人民的聲音，并承認(rèn)他們的常識(shí)。如果我們不，我們不僅褻瀆我們的政治遺產(chǎn)，我們忽視了共同的關(guān)系，把所有的美國(guó)人。許多人擔(dān)心未來(lái)。許多人不信任他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，并相信他們的聲音從來(lái)沒(méi)有聽(tīng)說(shuō)過(guò)。許多只追求滿足自己的私人工作 - 希望，以滿足他們的私人利益。但是，這是美國(guó)面臨很大的危險(xiǎn) - 我們將不再是一個(gè)民族，而不是成為一個(gè)利益群體的集合：對(duì)郊區(qū)的城市，地區(qū)對(duì)地區(qū)，對(duì)個(gè)別個(gè)人，每個(gè)尋求滿足私人欲望。如果發(fā)生這種情況，那么誰(shuí)將會(huì)為美國(guó)說(shuō)話？然后將為了共同的利益說(shuō)話？ 這是必須回答的問(wèn)題，在1976年，我們成為一樣的人民聯(lián)系在一起的共同的精神，共同奮斗共享，或?qū)⒊蔀橐粋€(gè)分裂的國(guó)家嗎？對(duì)于所有的不確定性，我們無(wú)法逃離的未來(lái)。我們決不能成為“新清教徒”，并拒絕我們的社會(huì)。我們必須正視和掌握未來(lái)。這是可以做到的，如果我們的信念，我們分享一個(gè)全國(guó)社區(qū)感，我們都有一個(gè)共同的國(guó)家的努力恢復(fù)。這是可以做到的。 有沒(méi)有行政命令，沒(méi)有任何法律可以要求美國(guó)人民形成民族共同體。這是我們必須做的個(gè)人，個(gè)人，如果我們做到這一點(diǎn)，也沒(méi)有美國(guó)總統(tǒng)可以否決該決定。 作為第一步 - 作為第一步，我們必須恢復(fù)我們對(duì)自己的信念。我們是一個(gè)慷慨的人，所以我們?yōu)槭裁床荒艽蠓脚c對(duì)方？我們要想得開(kāi)由托馬斯·杰斐遜所說(shuō)的話： 讓我們恢復(fù)社會(huì)交往 - “讓我們恢復(fù)社會(huì)交往，和睦相處，感情不自由，甚至生活索然寡味?！? 一個(gè)國(guó)家是由我們每個(gè)人都愿意分享在堅(jiān)持共同利益的責(zé)任。搞活一個(gè)政府，當(dāng)我們每個(gè)人都愿意參與塑造這個(gè)民族的未來(lái)。在今年的選舉中，我們必須定義“共同利益”，并開(kāi)始再次塑造一個(gè)共同的未來(lái)。讓每個(gè)人做他或她的一部分。如果一個(gè)公民是不愿意參加的，我們所有人都將受到影響。對(duì)于美國(guó)的想法，雖然它是我們所有的人共享，實(shí)現(xiàn)了我們每個(gè)人。 現(xiàn)在，我們這些人都是民選公職人員應(yīng)該做的是什么呢？我們稱自己為“公仆”，但我可以告訴你這一點(diǎn)：我們作為公務(wù)員必須以身作則，為全國(guó)其他地區(qū)。它是虛偽的公職人員告誡，勸勉人維護(hù)共同利益，如果我們是被遺棄在維護(hù)共同利益。還需要更多的 - 還需要更多的公職人員不是口號(hào)和握手和新聞稿。更多的要求。我們必須保持自己嚴(yán)格追究。我們必須為人民群眾提供一個(gè)對(duì)未來(lái)的憧憬。 如果我們承諾作為公職人員，我們必須提供。如果 - 如果我們作為政府官員建議，我們必須生產(chǎn)。如果我們對(duì)美國(guó)人民說(shuō)，“現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候?yàn)槟銧奚?- 犧牲。如果政府官員說(shuō)，我們公職人員必須首先要給。我們必須。再次，如果我們犯錯(cuò)，我們必須愿意承認(rèn)他們。我們必須做到這一點(diǎn)。我們要做的是什么的想法，政府應(yīng)該做的一切和理念，信仰，政府應(yīng)當(dāng)做什么之間取得平衡。平衡。 讓有這種民族共同體形成的難度不抱任何幻想。這是艱難的，難度大，不容易。但本著和睦的精神將在美國(guó)生存，只有當(dāng)我們每個(gè)人都記得，我們有著共同的命運(yùn)。如果我們每個(gè)人都記得，當(dāng)自身利益和辛酸似乎占上風(fēng)，我們有著共同的命運(yùn)。 我有信心，我們可以形成這樣的民族共同體。 我有信心，民主黨可以帶路。 我有這個(gè)信心。 我們不能提高政府的制度傳世我們共和國(guó)的。改進(jìn)，也沒(méi)有辦法。但是，我們能做些什么的是要找到新的方法來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)該系統(tǒng)，并實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的命運(yùn)。 現(xiàn)在我開(kāi)始評(píng)論你的獨(dú)特的芭芭拉·喬丹發(fā)表演說(shuō)演講。嗯，我要結(jié)束我的發(fā)言：引用一位共和黨總統(tǒng)，我問(wèn)你，你聽(tīng)亞伯拉罕·林肯的這些話，涉及到一個(gè)國(guó)家社會(huì)中，我們每一個(gè)最后一個(gè)參與的概念： “我不會(huì)是一個(gè)奴隸，所以我不會(huì)成為大師?！?這 - 這 - “這表示我的想法民主與此不同，無(wú)論的差異程度，是沒(méi)有民主?！? 謝謝。
Barbara Jordan: 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address "Who, then, will speak for the common good?" [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)] Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception. It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special? I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker. When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred. Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems. We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal. Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us. Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardless of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come! I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds. We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted. This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them. We -- We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We believe that. This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. *Let's all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable. In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic.* We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition. Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They'll recognize that. Now -- Now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good? This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the "New Puritans" and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done. There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that decision. As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson: Let us restore the social intercourse -- "Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things." A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the "common good" and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us. Now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves "public servants" but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future. If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people, "It is time for you to be sacrificial" -- sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance. Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny. I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community. I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way. I have that confidence. We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny. Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates: "As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master." This -- This -- "This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy." Thank you.
“是誰(shuí)，那么，為了共同的利益說(shuō)話？” [的真?zhèn)握J(rèn)證：下面的文字版直接從音頻轉(zhuǎn)錄。（2）] 謝謝女士們，先生們，很熱情的接待。 這是144年前民主黨成員的第一次見(jiàn)面的約定來(lái)選擇總統(tǒng)候選人。自那時(shí)以來(lái)，民主黨繼續(xù)每四年召開(kāi)一次，并起草一個(gè)黨綱和提名總統(tǒng)候選人。我們本周會(huì)議是這一傳統(tǒng)的延續(xù)。但也有不同的東西今晚。有一些特別之處今晚。有什么不同？什么是特殊的？ 我，芭芭拉喬丹，是一個(gè)主講。 - 自1832年以來(lái)許多年過(guò)去了，在這段時(shí)間里，它會(huì)一直最不尋常的，任何國(guó)家的政黨問(wèn)芭芭拉·喬丹發(fā)表專題演說(shuō)。但是今晚，我在這里。而且我覺(jué)得 - 我覺(jué)得，盡管在過(guò)去，我的存在是一個(gè)額外的位的證據(jù)表明，“美國(guó)夢(mèng)”不是永遠(yuǎn)需要推遲。 - 現(xiàn)在，我有這個(gè)盛大的區(qū)別，在世界上，我應(yīng)該說(shuō)嗎？我可以很容易地度過(guò)這段時(shí)間，稱贊這個(gè)黨所取得的成就，并攻擊共和黨 - 但我不選擇這樣做。我可以列出很多問(wèn)題，美國(guó)人有。我可以列出的問(wèn)題，引起人們的感覺(jué)玩世不恭，生氣，沮喪的問(wèn)題，其中包括在政府缺乏誠(chéng)信的感覺(jué)，個(gè)人不再計(jì)數(shù)現(xiàn)實(shí)的物質(zhì)和精神貧困的感覺(jué)，盛大美國(guó)實(shí)驗(yàn)失敗或失敗。我能背誦這些問(wèn)題，然后我可以坐下來(lái)，并沒(méi)有提供解決方案。但我沒(méi)有選擇，要么做。美國(guó)公民期待更多。他們應(yīng)該得到和他們想要超過(guò)吟誦問(wèn)題。 我們是一家人對(duì)目前的窘境。我們是一家人在尋找我們的未來(lái)。我們是一家人，一個(gè)國(guó)家的社會(huì)搜索。我們是一家人努力，不僅要能解決的問(wèn)題，現(xiàn)在，失業(yè)，通貨膨脹，但我們正試圖在更大的規(guī)模，以履行對(duì)美國(guó)的諾言。我們正試圖實(shí)現(xiàn)我們國(guó)家的目的，創(chuàng)造和維持一個(gè)社會(huì)，我們所有人都是平等的。 縱觀 - 縱觀我們的歷史，當(dāng)人們一直在尋求新的方式來(lái)解決他們的問(wèn)題，并堅(jiān)持這個(gè)國(guó)家的原則，很多時(shí)候，他們已經(jīng)變成政黨。他們往往轉(zhuǎn)向民主黨。這是什么？這是什么，但民主黨，使得儀器的人時(shí)，他們使用搜索的方式來(lái)塑造自己的未來(lái)呢？好吧，我相信這個(gè)問(wèn)題的答案在于我們的執(zhí)政理念。我們的執(zhí)政理念是來(lái)自我們的觀點(diǎn)的人。這是一個(gè)概念，牢牢地銘刻在我們所有的民族良知的一組信念深深植根于。 現(xiàn)在，這些信念是什么？首先，我們認(rèn)為平等和特權(quán)沒(méi)有。這是一種信念 - 這是一種信念，每個(gè)美國(guó)人，不論其背景如何，都有平等的地位在公共論壇 - 我們所有的人。因?yàn)?- 因?yàn)槲覀內(nèi)绱藞?jiān)定地相信這樣的想法，我們是一個(gè)包容性而不是排他性方。讓大家來(lái)！ 我認(rèn)為這不是偶然的，最確定與民主黨在19世紀(jì)移民到美國(guó)。我們是一個(gè)異類黨由不同背景的美國(guó)人。我們相信，人是一切政府權(quán)力的來(lái)源;，機(jī)關(guān)的人要延長(zhǎng)，而不是限制。 這 - 這可以通過(guò)只提供每一個(gè)公民，每一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，參與政府的管理。他們必須有，我們相信。我們相信，代表所有的人，不只是一個(gè)利益集團(tuán)，但所有的人的權(quán)威，政府有責(zé)任積極 - 積極下劃線 - 尋求消除這些障礙，這將阻止個(gè)人成就 - 障礙發(fā)出從種族，性別，經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。政府必須刪除他們，設(shè)法消除他們。 我們 - 我們是一個(gè)黨 - 我們是一個(gè)黨的創(chuàng)新。我們不拒絕我們的傳統(tǒng)，但我們?cè)敢庖赃m應(yīng)不斷變化的情況下，當(dāng)改變，我們必須。我們?cè)敢獬惺茏兓牟贿m，以達(dá)到一個(gè)更美好的未來(lái)。我們有一個(gè)積極的未來(lái)愿景的信念建立在美國(guó)的諾言與現(xiàn)實(shí)之間的差距有一天會(huì)最終收。我們相信這一點(diǎn)。 我的朋友，這是我們的執(zhí)政理念的基石。這是一個(gè)屬于美國(guó)人已經(jīng)轉(zhuǎn)向民主黨的原因。這些都是可以建立一個(gè)國(guó)家的社會(huì)基礎(chǔ)。*讓我們都明白，這些指導(dǎo)原則不能丟短期政治利益。他們代表了這個(gè)國(guó)家所有。美國(guó)的想法，他們是土著人。這些原則，這是沒(méi)有商量余地的。 在其他時(shí)候，我可以站在這里，并給這種論述民主黨的信念，這將是足夠的。但是，今天，是不夠的。人們想要更多的。這是不足夠的理由為這個(gè)國(guó)家的人民的多數(shù)投票給民主黨。我們都犯過(guò)錯(cuò)誤。我們意識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)。我們承認(rèn)我們的錯(cuò)誤。在我們急于為所有的人做所有的事情，我們沒(méi)有預(yù)見(jiàn)到我們的行動(dòng)的全部后果。當(dāng)人們提出了他們的聲音，我們沒(méi)有聽(tīng)到。但我們的耳聾只是一個(gè)暫時(shí)的條件，而不是一個(gè)不可逆轉(zhuǎn)的條件。 即使我站在這里，并承認(rèn)我們犯過(guò)錯(cuò)誤，但我仍然相信，美國(guó)人民坐在判斷每一方，他們會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們的錯(cuò)誤，錯(cuò)誤的心。他們會(huì)承認(rèn)這一點(diǎn)。 現(xiàn)在 - 現(xiàn)在，我們必須著眼于未來(lái)。讓我們聽(tīng)取人民的聲音，并承認(rèn)他們的常識(shí)。如果我們不，我們不僅褻瀆我們的政治遺產(chǎn)，我們忽視了共同的關(guān)系，把所有的美國(guó)人。許多人擔(dān)心未來(lái)。許多人不信任他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，并相信他們的聲音從來(lái)沒(méi)有聽(tīng)說(shuō)過(guò)。許多只追求滿足自己的私人工作 - 希望，以滿足他們的私人利益。但是，這是美國(guó)面臨很大的危險(xiǎn) - 我們將不再是一個(gè)民族，而不是成為一個(gè)利益群體的集合：對(duì)郊區(qū)的城市，地區(qū)對(duì)地區(qū)，對(duì)個(gè)別個(gè)人，每個(gè)尋求滿足私人欲望。如果發(fā)生這種情況，那么誰(shuí)將會(huì)為美國(guó)說(shuō)話？然后將為了共同的利益說(shuō)話？ 這是必須回答的問(wèn)題，在1976年，我們成為一樣的人民聯(lián)系在一起的共同的精神，共同奮斗共享，或?qū)⒊蔀橐粋€(gè)分裂的國(guó)家嗎？對(duì)于所有的不確定性，我們無(wú)法逃離的未來(lái)。我們決不能成為“新清教徒”，并拒絕我們的社會(huì)。我們必須正視和掌握未來(lái)。這是可以做到的，如果我們的信念，我們分享一個(gè)全國(guó)社區(qū)感，我們都有一個(gè)共同的國(guó)家的努力恢復(fù)。這是可以做到的。 有沒(méi)有行政命令，沒(méi)有任何法律可以要求美國(guó)人民形成民族共同體。這是我們必須做的個(gè)人，個(gè)人，如果我們做到這一點(diǎn)，也沒(méi)有美國(guó)總統(tǒng)可以否決該決定。 作為第一步 - 作為第一步，我們必須恢復(fù)我們對(duì)自己的信念。我們是一個(gè)慷慨的人，所以我們?yōu)槭裁床荒艽蠓脚c對(duì)方？我們要想得開(kāi)由托馬斯·杰斐遜所說(shuō)的話： 讓我們恢復(fù)社會(huì)交往 - “讓我們恢復(fù)社會(huì)交往，和睦相處，感情不自由，甚至生活索然寡味?！? 一個(gè)國(guó)家是由我們每個(gè)人都愿意分享在堅(jiān)持共同利益的責(zé)任。搞活一個(gè)政府，當(dāng)我們每個(gè)人都愿意參與塑造這個(gè)民族的未來(lái)。在今年的選舉中，我們必須定義“共同利益”，并開(kāi)始再次塑造一個(gè)共同的未來(lái)。讓每個(gè)人做他或她的一部分。如果一個(gè)公民是不愿意參加的，我們所有人都將受到影響。對(duì)于美國(guó)的想法，雖然它是我們所有的人共享，實(shí)現(xiàn)了我們每個(gè)人。 現(xiàn)在，我們這些人都是民選公職人員應(yīng)該做的是什么呢？我們稱自己為“公仆”，但我可以告訴你這一點(diǎn)：我們作為公務(wù)員必須以身作則，為全國(guó)其他地區(qū)。它是虛偽的公職人員告誡，勸勉人維護(hù)共同利益，如果我們是被遺棄在維護(hù)共同利益。還需要更多的 - 還需要更多的公職人員不是口號(hào)和握手和新聞稿。更多的要求。我們必須保持自己嚴(yán)格追究。我們必須為人民群眾提供一個(gè)對(duì)未來(lái)的憧憬。 如果我們承諾作為公職人員，我們必須提供。如果 - 如果我們作為政府官員建議，我們必須生產(chǎn)。如果我們對(duì)美國(guó)人民說(shuō)，“現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候?yàn)槟銧奚?- 犧牲。如果政府官員說(shuō)，我們公職人員必須首先要給。我們必須。再次，如果我們犯錯(cuò)，我們必須愿意承認(rèn)他們。我們必須做到這一點(diǎn)。我們要做的是什么的想法，政府應(yīng)該做的一切和理念，信仰，政府應(yīng)當(dāng)做什么之間取得平衡。平衡。 讓有這種民族共同體形成的難度不抱任何幻想。這是艱難的，難度大，不容易。但本著和睦的精神將在美國(guó)生存，只有當(dāng)我們每個(gè)人都記得，我們有著共同的命運(yùn)。如果我們每個(gè)人都記得，當(dāng)自身利益和辛酸似乎占上風(fēng)，我們有著共同的命運(yùn)。 我有信心，我們可以形成這樣的民族共同體。 我有信心，民主黨可以帶路。 我有這個(gè)信心。 我們不能提高政府的制度傳世我們共和國(guó)的。改進(jìn)，也沒(méi)有辦法。但是，我們能做些什么的是要找到新的方法來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)該系統(tǒng)，并實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的命運(yùn)。 現(xiàn)在我開(kāi)始評(píng)論你的獨(dú)特的芭芭拉·喬丹發(fā)表演說(shuō)演講。嗯，我要結(jié)束我的發(fā)言：引用一位共和黨總統(tǒng)，我問(wèn)你，你聽(tīng)亞伯拉罕·林肯的這些話，涉及到一個(gè)國(guó)家社會(huì)中，我們每一個(gè)最后一個(gè)參與的概念： “我不會(huì)是一個(gè)奴隸，所以我不會(huì)成為大師?！?這 - 這 - “這表示我的想法民主與此不同，無(wú)論的差異程度，是沒(méi)有民主?！? 謝謝。