Sir Robert Walpole
ON A MOTION FOR HIS REMOVAL
1741
It has been observed by several gentlemen，in vindication of this motion，that if it should be carried，neither my life，liberty，nor estate will be affect－ed.But do the honorable gentlemen consider my character and reputation as of no moment？Is it no imputation to be arraigned before this House，in which I have sat forty years，and to have my name transmitted to posterity with disgrace and infamy？I will not conceal my sentiments，that to be named in Parliament as a subject of inquiry is to me a matter of great concern.But I have the satisfaction，at the same time，to reflect，that the impression to be made depends upon the consistency of the charge and the motives of the prosecutors.
If my whole administration is to be scrutinized and arraigned，why are the most favorable parts to be omitted？If facts are to be accumulated on one side，why not on the other？And why may not I be permitted to speak in my own favor？Was I not called by the voice of the King and the nation to remedy the fatal effects of the South Sea project，and to support declining credit？Was I not placed at the head of the treasury when the revenues were in the greatest confusion？Is credit revived，and does it now flourish？Is it not at an incredible height？and if so，to whom must that circumstance be attributed？Has not tranquility been preserved both at home and abroad，notwithstanding a most un-reasonable and violent opposition？Has the true interest of the nation been pursued，or has trade flourished？Have gentlemen produced one instance of this exorbitant power；of the influence which I extend to all parts of the nation；of the tyranny with which I oppress those who oppose，and the liberality with which I reward those who support me？But having first invested me with a kind of mock dignity，and styled me a prime minister，they impute to me an unpardonable abuse of that chimerical authority which they only have created and conferred.If they are really persuaded that the army is annually established by me，that I will have the sole disposal of posts and honors，that I employ this power in the destruction of liberty and the diminution of commerce，let me awaken them from their delusion.Let me expose to their view the real condition of the public weal.Let me show them that the Crown has made no encroachments，that all supplies have been granted by Parliament，that all questions have been debated with the same freedom as before the fatal period in which my counsels are said to have gained the ascendancy an ascendancy from which they deduce the loss of trade，the approach of slavery，the preponderance of prerogative，and the extension of influence.But I am far from believing that they feel those apprehensions which they so earnestly labor to communicate to others；and I have too high an opinion of their sagacity not to conclude that，even in their own judgment，they are complaining of grievances that they do not suffer，and promoting rather their private interest than that of the public.
What is this unbounded sole power which is imputed to me？How has it discovered itself，or how has it been proved？
What have been the effects of the corruption，ambition，and avarice with which I am so abundantly charged？
Have I ever been suspected of being corrupt－ed？A strange phenomenon，a corrupter himself not corrupt！Is ambition imputed to me？Why then do I still continue a commoner？I，who refused a white staff and a peerage？I had，indeed，like to have forgotten the little ornament about my shoulders［the garter］，which gentlemen have so repeatedly mentioned in terms of sarcastic obloquy.But surely，though this may be regarded with envy or indignation in another place，it cannot be supposed to raise any resentment in this House，where many may be pleased to see those honors which their ancestors have worn，restored again to the Commons.
Have I given any symptoms of an avaricious disposition？Have I obtained any grants from the Crown since I have been placed at the head of the treasury？Has my conduct been different from that which others in the same station would have followed？Have I acted wrong in giving the place of auditor to my son，and in providing for my own family？I trust that their advancement will not be imputed to me as a crime，unless it shall be proved that I placed them in offices of trust and responsibility for which they were unfit.
But while I unequivocally deny that I am sole and prime minister，and that to my influence and direction all the measures of the Government must be attributed，yet I will not shrink from the responsibility which attaches to the post I have the honor to hold；and should，during the long period in which I have sat upon this bench，any one step taken by Government be proved to be either disgraceful or disadvantageous to the nation，I am ready to hold myself accountable.
To conclude，sir，though I shall always be proud of the honor of any trust or confidence from His Majesty，yet I shall always be ready to remove from his councils and presence when he thinks fit；and therefore I should think myself very little concerned in the event of the present question，if it were not for the encroachment that will thereby be made upon the prerogatives of the Crown.But I must think that an address to His Majesty to remove one of his servants，without so much as alleging any particular crime against him，is one of the greatest encroachments that was ever made upon the prerogatives of the Crown.And therefore，for the sake of my master，without any regard for my own，I hope all those who have a due regard for our constitution，and for the rights and prerogatives of the Crown，without which our constitution cannot be preserved，will be against this motion.
羅伯特·沃爾波爾爵士
論撤職動議
1741年
有些支持撤職動議的議員說，如執(zhí)行動議，我的生活、行動自由和莊園都不會受到影響。但是可敬的議員們是否認(rèn)為我的人格和聲譽是無足輕重的？這不是在這個我任議員已達40年的下院面前以某種罪名對我進行指責(zé)，把令我丟臉的惡名留給子孫后代嗎？我不想掩飾自己的憤慨，在議會被提名為調(diào)查的對象，對我來說是很值得計較的問題。但同時我很高興還能表明自己的意見：將要形成的印象取決于起訴人的指控和動機的一致性。
如果是對我一生的政績進行審查和提出疑問，那為什么要把其中最值得贊許的部分略而不談呢？為什么列舉一方面的事實，而另一方面的事實又避而不談呢？為什么不允許我說出對自己有利的話呢？難道我不是受國王和國家之命去糾正南海工程的嚴(yán)重后果，并支持那日益下降的信譽的嗎？難道我不是在稅收陷入極大混亂之際受命兼任財政大臣的嗎？財政不是已經(jīng)復(fù)蘇而欣欣向榮了嗎？不是已經(jīng)達到難以置信的高度了嗎？如果情況確實如此，那功勞又歸于誰呢？盡管遇到荒唐的、強烈的反對，現(xiàn)在國內(nèi)外不都保持著穩(wěn)定嗎？國家的真正利益不是已得到維護，貿(mào)易不也正欣欣向榮嗎？議員先生們能拿出實例來證明我濫用權(quán)力，把權(quán)力擴展到全國，對反對我的人實行專政而對擁護我的人濫給獎賞嗎？他們先是給予我一種虛假的尊嚴(yán)，稱我為首相，然后將莫須有的、不可饒恕的無端指責(zé)歸罪于我。他們?nèi)粽娴南嘈跑婈犇昴暧晌医ⅲㄎ夷苋蚊夂徒o予榮譽，且又運用這種權(quán)力毀滅自由，抑制社交，那么讓我使他們從誤解中覺醒吧。讓我向他們展示公共福利的真實情況吧。讓我向他們表明王權(quán)沒有受到侵犯，政府一切開支都是議會批準(zhǔn)的；所有問題都是和那個決定性時期之前一樣自由地進行辯論的，據(jù)說我在那段時間里的決策使我獲得了支配地位——從這種支配地位他們推論出了貿(mào)易方面的損失根源，奴役他人的態(tài)度，利用職權(quán)優(yōu)勢，以及影響的擴展。但是我根本不相信他們真會相信自己費盡心機向人推銷的這些看法；我看他們過于精明，即使按他們自己的判斷，他們的結(jié)論也表明，他們正訴說著他們沒有受過的痛苦，他們所圖的不是公眾利益而是私利。
歸罪于我的這種不受約束的獨有權(quán)力是什么？它怎么被發(fā)現(xiàn)或怎樣得到證明？
他們指責(zé)我所犯的許多腐化、野心和貪婪行為的后果如何呢？
什么時候曾懷疑過我腐敗？一個腐化墮落的人并不腐化墮落，真是怪事一樁！不是給我定了有野心的罪名嗎？那么，為何我仍然是個平民？難道不正是我拒絕任用極端保守的工作班子，拒絕接受貴族爵位嗎？我確實愿意忘掉我肩上這多次受到議員先生們挖苦、指責(zé)的小小裝飾品（嘉德勛章）。但是可以肯定地說，盡管在另一場合，這也許會令人眼紅或令人憤慨，卻不能斷言在本議會中會引起怨恨，這里很多人會樂于見到其祖先佩帶的榮譽勛章又回到了下議院。
我出現(xiàn)過任何具有貪婪傾向的癥狀嗎？我當(dāng)財政大臣之后獲得過國王的任何授予物嗎？我的品行難道與同一個部門的其他人將會仿效的品行有什么兩樣嗎？難道讓我的兒子當(dāng)審計官和我養(yǎng)家活口的行為都錯了嗎？我相信，他們職位的提升無法歸罪于我，除非能證明我把他們擺在關(guān)鍵崗位上而他們不稱職。
但是，盡管我毫不含糊地否認(rèn)我是獨一無二的人，否認(rèn)我是首相，否認(rèn)政府的一切措施都應(yīng)歸咎于我的影響和指示，我卻決不會推卸我有幸擔(dān)負(fù)的職責(zé)；在我長期擔(dān)任財政大臣之職的時期里，如果政府采取的措施有損于國家的榮譽或利益，我愿承擔(dān)責(zé)任。
議員們，總而言之，盡管我對國王陛下給予的信任和信賴始終感到自豪，但我在陛下認(rèn)為適當(dāng)時總是愿意離職告退的；所以對于現(xiàn)在這個問題，只要不侵犯王權(quán)，我是不會關(guān)心其結(jié)果的。但是，我堅決認(rèn)為，向陛下提出撤換他的一個仆人，而又提不出具體罪證，是前所未有的對于王權(quán)的的侵犯之一。因此，完全為了我主人的緣故，而毫不考慮我個人私利，我希望，所有尊重憲法的人，所有尊重我國憲法所賴以保全的國王的權(quán)利和特權(quán)的人，都來反對這項動議。
ON A MOTION FOR HIS REMOVAL
1741
It has been observed by several gentlemen，in vindication of this motion，that if it should be carried，neither my life，liberty，nor estate will be affect－ed.But do the honorable gentlemen consider my character and reputation as of no moment？Is it no imputation to be arraigned before this House，in which I have sat forty years，and to have my name transmitted to posterity with disgrace and infamy？I will not conceal my sentiments，that to be named in Parliament as a subject of inquiry is to me a matter of great concern.But I have the satisfaction，at the same time，to reflect，that the impression to be made depends upon the consistency of the charge and the motives of the prosecutors.
If my whole administration is to be scrutinized and arraigned，why are the most favorable parts to be omitted？If facts are to be accumulated on one side，why not on the other？And why may not I be permitted to speak in my own favor？Was I not called by the voice of the King and the nation to remedy the fatal effects of the South Sea project，and to support declining credit？Was I not placed at the head of the treasury when the revenues were in the greatest confusion？Is credit revived，and does it now flourish？Is it not at an incredible height？and if so，to whom must that circumstance be attributed？Has not tranquility been preserved both at home and abroad，notwithstanding a most un-reasonable and violent opposition？Has the true interest of the nation been pursued，or has trade flourished？Have gentlemen produced one instance of this exorbitant power；of the influence which I extend to all parts of the nation；of the tyranny with which I oppress those who oppose，and the liberality with which I reward those who support me？But having first invested me with a kind of mock dignity，and styled me a prime minister，they impute to me an unpardonable abuse of that chimerical authority which they only have created and conferred.If they are really persuaded that the army is annually established by me，that I will have the sole disposal of posts and honors，that I employ this power in the destruction of liberty and the diminution of commerce，let me awaken them from their delusion.Let me expose to their view the real condition of the public weal.Let me show them that the Crown has made no encroachments，that all supplies have been granted by Parliament，that all questions have been debated with the same freedom as before the fatal period in which my counsels are said to have gained the ascendancy an ascendancy from which they deduce the loss of trade，the approach of slavery，the preponderance of prerogative，and the extension of influence.But I am far from believing that they feel those apprehensions which they so earnestly labor to communicate to others；and I have too high an opinion of their sagacity not to conclude that，even in their own judgment，they are complaining of grievances that they do not suffer，and promoting rather their private interest than that of the public.
What is this unbounded sole power which is imputed to me？How has it discovered itself，or how has it been proved？
What have been the effects of the corruption，ambition，and avarice with which I am so abundantly charged？
Have I ever been suspected of being corrupt－ed？A strange phenomenon，a corrupter himself not corrupt！Is ambition imputed to me？Why then do I still continue a commoner？I，who refused a white staff and a peerage？I had，indeed，like to have forgotten the little ornament about my shoulders［the garter］，which gentlemen have so repeatedly mentioned in terms of sarcastic obloquy.But surely，though this may be regarded with envy or indignation in another place，it cannot be supposed to raise any resentment in this House，where many may be pleased to see those honors which their ancestors have worn，restored again to the Commons.
Have I given any symptoms of an avaricious disposition？Have I obtained any grants from the Crown since I have been placed at the head of the treasury？Has my conduct been different from that which others in the same station would have followed？Have I acted wrong in giving the place of auditor to my son，and in providing for my own family？I trust that their advancement will not be imputed to me as a crime，unless it shall be proved that I placed them in offices of trust and responsibility for which they were unfit.
But while I unequivocally deny that I am sole and prime minister，and that to my influence and direction all the measures of the Government must be attributed，yet I will not shrink from the responsibility which attaches to the post I have the honor to hold；and should，during the long period in which I have sat upon this bench，any one step taken by Government be proved to be either disgraceful or disadvantageous to the nation，I am ready to hold myself accountable.
To conclude，sir，though I shall always be proud of the honor of any trust or confidence from His Majesty，yet I shall always be ready to remove from his councils and presence when he thinks fit；and therefore I should think myself very little concerned in the event of the present question，if it were not for the encroachment that will thereby be made upon the prerogatives of the Crown.But I must think that an address to His Majesty to remove one of his servants，without so much as alleging any particular crime against him，is one of the greatest encroachments that was ever made upon the prerogatives of the Crown.And therefore，for the sake of my master，without any regard for my own，I hope all those who have a due regard for our constitution，and for the rights and prerogatives of the Crown，without which our constitution cannot be preserved，will be against this motion.
羅伯特·沃爾波爾爵士
論撤職動議
1741年
有些支持撤職動議的議員說，如執(zhí)行動議，我的生活、行動自由和莊園都不會受到影響。但是可敬的議員們是否認(rèn)為我的人格和聲譽是無足輕重的？這不是在這個我任議員已達40年的下院面前以某種罪名對我進行指責(zé)，把令我丟臉的惡名留給子孫后代嗎？我不想掩飾自己的憤慨，在議會被提名為調(diào)查的對象，對我來說是很值得計較的問題。但同時我很高興還能表明自己的意見：將要形成的印象取決于起訴人的指控和動機的一致性。
如果是對我一生的政績進行審查和提出疑問，那為什么要把其中最值得贊許的部分略而不談呢？為什么列舉一方面的事實，而另一方面的事實又避而不談呢？為什么不允許我說出對自己有利的話呢？難道我不是受國王和國家之命去糾正南海工程的嚴(yán)重后果，并支持那日益下降的信譽的嗎？難道我不是在稅收陷入極大混亂之際受命兼任財政大臣的嗎？財政不是已經(jīng)復(fù)蘇而欣欣向榮了嗎？不是已經(jīng)達到難以置信的高度了嗎？如果情況確實如此，那功勞又歸于誰呢？盡管遇到荒唐的、強烈的反對，現(xiàn)在國內(nèi)外不都保持著穩(wěn)定嗎？國家的真正利益不是已得到維護，貿(mào)易不也正欣欣向榮嗎？議員先生們能拿出實例來證明我濫用權(quán)力，把權(quán)力擴展到全國，對反對我的人實行專政而對擁護我的人濫給獎賞嗎？他們先是給予我一種虛假的尊嚴(yán)，稱我為首相，然后將莫須有的、不可饒恕的無端指責(zé)歸罪于我。他們?nèi)粽娴南嘈跑婈犇昴暧晌医ⅲㄎ夷苋蚊夂徒o予榮譽，且又運用這種權(quán)力毀滅自由，抑制社交，那么讓我使他們從誤解中覺醒吧。讓我向他們展示公共福利的真實情況吧。讓我向他們表明王權(quán)沒有受到侵犯，政府一切開支都是議會批準(zhǔn)的；所有問題都是和那個決定性時期之前一樣自由地進行辯論的，據(jù)說我在那段時間里的決策使我獲得了支配地位——從這種支配地位他們推論出了貿(mào)易方面的損失根源，奴役他人的態(tài)度，利用職權(quán)優(yōu)勢，以及影響的擴展。但是我根本不相信他們真會相信自己費盡心機向人推銷的這些看法；我看他們過于精明，即使按他們自己的判斷，他們的結(jié)論也表明，他們正訴說著他們沒有受過的痛苦，他們所圖的不是公眾利益而是私利。
歸罪于我的這種不受約束的獨有權(quán)力是什么？它怎么被發(fā)現(xiàn)或怎樣得到證明？
他們指責(zé)我所犯的許多腐化、野心和貪婪行為的后果如何呢？
什么時候曾懷疑過我腐敗？一個腐化墮落的人并不腐化墮落，真是怪事一樁！不是給我定了有野心的罪名嗎？那么，為何我仍然是個平民？難道不正是我拒絕任用極端保守的工作班子，拒絕接受貴族爵位嗎？我確實愿意忘掉我肩上這多次受到議員先生們挖苦、指責(zé)的小小裝飾品（嘉德勛章）。但是可以肯定地說，盡管在另一場合，這也許會令人眼紅或令人憤慨，卻不能斷言在本議會中會引起怨恨，這里很多人會樂于見到其祖先佩帶的榮譽勛章又回到了下議院。
我出現(xiàn)過任何具有貪婪傾向的癥狀嗎？我當(dāng)財政大臣之后獲得過國王的任何授予物嗎？我的品行難道與同一個部門的其他人將會仿效的品行有什么兩樣嗎？難道讓我的兒子當(dāng)審計官和我養(yǎng)家活口的行為都錯了嗎？我相信，他們職位的提升無法歸罪于我，除非能證明我把他們擺在關(guān)鍵崗位上而他們不稱職。
但是，盡管我毫不含糊地否認(rèn)我是獨一無二的人，否認(rèn)我是首相，否認(rèn)政府的一切措施都應(yīng)歸咎于我的影響和指示，我卻決不會推卸我有幸擔(dān)負(fù)的職責(zé)；在我長期擔(dān)任財政大臣之職的時期里，如果政府采取的措施有損于國家的榮譽或利益，我愿承擔(dān)責(zé)任。
議員們，總而言之，盡管我對國王陛下給予的信任和信賴始終感到自豪，但我在陛下認(rèn)為適當(dāng)時總是愿意離職告退的；所以對于現(xiàn)在這個問題，只要不侵犯王權(quán)，我是不會關(guān)心其結(jié)果的。但是，我堅決認(rèn)為，向陛下提出撤換他的一個仆人，而又提不出具體罪證，是前所未有的對于王權(quán)的的侵犯之一。因此，完全為了我主人的緣故，而毫不考慮我個人私利，我希望，所有尊重憲法的人，所有尊重我國憲法所賴以保全的國王的權(quán)利和特權(quán)的人，都來反對這項動議。